Political Probe
The Problem of Theistic Religion’s Supposed Role as a Handmaid of Politics : A Call for Critical Thinking in Dealing with the (Im)migrant Problem View Digital Media
Paper Presentation in a Themed Session Isidoro Talavera
Whenever it discriminates against (im)migrants because of their origin, race, or ethnicity, or because they seem to bring problems while offering nothing of value, theistic religion as a handmaid of politics is misguided and logically flawed. It may, in fact, be instead a reason for the failure of the U.S. executive branch for not being able to fully carry out and enforce the (im)migration laws to reasonably protect the borders. This is because serious logical inconsistencies arise when believers carefully focused on the larger landscape of the political applications of faith try to exert power over others while still regarding themselves as a good moral people of God. For, it cannot be ignored that such applications of faith are subject to limited, sectarian, and contradictory readings of the Bible—particularly those cherrypicked readings (as a product of selection and/or confirmation bias) illustrating the logical limitations of the biblical depiction of God’s nature and this Supreme Being’s alleged sovereignty in the role of American Democracy. Nevertheless, even if a biblical call for governmental involvement is granted, theistic religion that sees God as active within the governmental process cannot, on pain of logical contradiction, deal consistently with the (im)migration problem, nor claim, aligned with such social or political contexts, that virtue rests in either a Republican/Conservative or Democratic/Liberal approach to solve the problem. The upshot, then, is that it would not matter if governments derived their just Powers from the Consent of the Governed or some Divine Supreme Being.
Shared Radicalism: Black Anglicans in the Early US Republic and Women in the Early Rastafari Movement View Digital Media
Paper Presentation in a Themed Session Daive Dunkley
In this paper, I explore the Black radicalism inherent in the Black Anglican movement of the early United States republic, with a specific focus on Mary Jones (née Thomas) and the African Church, est. 1792, that eventually transformed into the St. Thomas African Episcopal Church in 1794. I shed light on the ideological connections between the early Christian Black radicalism in the US republic and the similar radicalism found in the Rastafari movement, which emerged in Jamaica during the 1930s. To do this, I emphasize the crucial, yet often overlooked, contributions made by women within these movements. There are significant ideological undercurrents that connect these two movements, with women’s roles serving as one key link. However, the more prominent aspect is the political radicalism that later matured within the Rastafari movement in the 1930s. This included the incorporation of the Ethiopian prophecy—“Princes shall come out of Egypt; Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands unto God” (Psalm 68:31)—as a means of developing a Black radical political ideology. Furthermore, this connection helped shape the integration of statecraft with theology in the pursuit of democratic ideals.
The Recognition of Religious Freedom to For-profit Organisations: Could Europe Follow the United States? View Digital Media
Paper Presentation in a Themed Session Romain Mertens
The autonomy of religious organisations and tendency organisations is protected by national and international law. In EU law, Directive 2000/78 provides an exception to the principle of non-discrimination “in the case of occupational activities within churches and other public or private organisations the ethos of which is based on religion or belief”. As for the European Court of Human Rights, its case law guarantees the autonomy of religious organisations under article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights. In the US, the same principle is known as the “ministerial exception”. However, over the past ten years, the autonomy of religious organisations has considerably expanded in the US. More specifically, several judgements from the US Supreme Court have accepted that for-profit organisations could invoke exemptions from general laws in the name of religion. In Europe, the case law of the European Court of Human Rights has so far been opposed to this possibility. However, several elements seem to indicate that this position might be difficult to hold in the future. This paper addresses two issues. First, what are the sociological and legal arguments that plead for the recognition of freedom of religion to for-profit organisations? The study examines how these elements interact with the arguments invoked to deny the enjoyment of freedom of religion to these organisations. Second, if such an extension occurs, how can the current legal framework ensure that the fundamental rights of employees and customers remain protected in for-profit organisations willing to invoke freedom of religion?
Secular Nationalism vs. Hindu Nationalism: The Contours of the Critique View Digital Media
Paper Presentation in a Themed Session Nissim Mannathukkaren
We attempt to study the construction of an extreme ideology in the form of Hindu nationalism (Hindutva) and the Indian secular response to it. First, we seek to understand the leading theory on universal extremist identity construction. Second, we consider how the construction of Hindutva ideology based on a religious identity takes shape as an empirical case study in relation to the universal theory. This will allow us a deeper understanding of the nuanced motivations of Hindu nationalism as a movement, as well as the potency of its politics. Then, we move onto explore the secular opposition, specifically in the domain of social media, and its efficacy. We delineate two main themes to their opposition-the public elucidation of Hindutva’s right-wing extremism, as well as a secular engagement in historical gatekeeping and propagandizing. We then analyze the benefits and constraints of this opposition, largely in concert with the scholarly work of J. M. Berger and H. J. Ingram on the nexus of extremism and propaganda and leading methods of countering both. Our paper elucidates how social media technologies are used by forces opposed to rightwing extremism, and their impact in the largest democracy in the world. The implications of this research will have resonance for other democracies and polities in the world as well as for studies on social media.
